The Dartmouth Review

April 23, 2001

The Heart of a Conservative

by Alexander Talcott

Marvin Olasky, the editor of the Christian news magazine World and whom President Bush has called "compassionate conservatism’s leading thinker" shows that the catchy alliteration is more than a soundbite in Compassionate Conservatism: What it Is, What it Does, and How it can Transform America. Olasky believes it is a "full-fledged program with a carefully considered philosophy," that it does miracles for those in need, and that it is already working wonders for America.

Olasky rejects compassion’s literal definition based on com-passion, or "suffering with." However, he also repudiates the failing modern welfare state that allows people to keep suffering. According to Olasky, this modern welfare state—which so many conservatives regard as extravagant—is actually quite stingy. He asserts that welfare programs "salve our consciences even as we scrimp on what many of the destitute need most—love, time, and a challenge to be little lower than the angels rather than one thumb up from monkeys."

But welfare needs a transformation, says Olasky, from "government monopoly to faith-based diversity." In his book he recounts travels across the country with his son Daniel to observe places where faith-based answers are already in place. In Dallas, they visit a converted crack house where a couple teaches GED classes; such people are directly involved in charity work and positively changing the lives of others. Olasky’s view is that it is the role of compassionate conservatives to bring these people governmental resources to encourage, but not nationalize, their efforts.

In other parts of Texas, Olasky sees compassionate programs as a success, and credits George W. Bush as the compassionate conservative leader as Governor of Texas. By executive order, Bush made the state the first in the nation to allow private and religious charities to serve as options in welfare services. He also helped make Texas the first state to recognize ministry-operated state prisons. In 1999, Bush allocated $8 billion for charitable tax credits and other incentives. Olasky is perhaps most impressed by Bush because he sought him out after becoming "aware," and not necessarily reading Olasky’s previous book, The Tragedy of American Compassion (1992). Bush and advisor Karl Rove met with Olasky as Bush was preparing to run for governor, and Olasky has remained an advisor since.

Olasky, and the courts, support faith-based counselor options for families who must make juvenile justice decisions. To combat drug addiction, Olasky recognizes that "social problems demand social capital" and encourages addicts to attempt recovery alongside one another in faith-based programs, emphasizing that faith-based is not synonymous with Christian, but is rather inclusive of all faiths.

Some cities visited by the Olaskys are models for compassionate conservatism. Indianapolis is a place where city hall and faith-based organizations have a rare mutual esteem that cuts through red tape. Minneapolis is the nation’s leader in per capita charitable giving. Throughout Minnesota, in fact, welfare is succeeding by offering "opportunities to become independent along with penalties for the recalcitrant," a kind of tough love that is also working in St. Louis at the Sunshine Mission for the homeless, where the poor must be in the program for three weeks to qualify for a Thanksgiving turkey. More places are catching on and will continue to do so if the government’s approach is reactionary. Olasky notes that thousands of local, faith-based charitable agencies and churches waged a successful war on poverty a century ago, before the involvement of the federal government. Modern compassionate conservatives work with existing institutions that are often faith-based and that have proven themselves over time. In contrast, the liberal approach assumes that existing institutions have failed and that new ones must be created. Since these organizations have no track records to indicate that they understand community needs, seemingly endless rounds of meetings are scheduled to try to establish the democratic legitimacy of the new groups.

Olasky acknowledges that the wall of separation of church and state could bring compassionate conservatism to a rapid halt, if only it were part of the Constitution. He argues that the primary goal of the establishment clause is freedom of, and not from, religion. He goes as far as asking, "How has it come about that any activity funded by the government must be conducted as if atheism were the established religion?" Olasky insists that the best solution is a vast network of churches, synagogues, mosques, and related faith-based groups.

For compassionate conservatism to succeed, Olasky believes it must live up to seven principles, lettered A through G—assertive, basic, challenging, diverse, effective, faith-based, gradual. Additionally, "charitable choice" must enable faith-based organizations to contract federally-paid social service programs, and individuals to use tax credits to support poverty-fighting groups. Olasky’s insights and experience make for an optimistic view of the future of welfare in America, with God as his witness.