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Don't Get Caught
by Thomas White
"It was her 52nd birthday, and finally Hillary
Rodham Clinton seemed to be stepping out of her husband's long shadow.
Surrounded by fifteen hundred of her political friends and supporters,
she stood on the stage of the Ford Center for the Performing Arts on
Broadway. For three decades the good political wife, at last it would
be Hillary's chance to stand front and center." Thus begins Laura
Ingraham '85's look into the life of Hillary Clinton's political
career, where Ingraham "sees her mired in the hopelessly stale,
outmoded thinking of her youth."
As Hillary prepares to assume to her well-deserved Senate seat,
having no political experience whatsoever (with the exception of the
one piece of legislation she authored, her healthcare plan which was
rejected 99-0 in a Democratically controlled Senate), America is
readying itself for another six years of the Clinton family's
prominence in government. The country should expect another six years
of scandal, pandering, lying, and governing by poll numbers.
Hillary is a polarizing character to much of America. Feminist
groups champion her as "the smartest woman in the world" and the model
for all working women. She has been revered for her strength,
perseverance, and willingness to stand by her man in the face of
scandal. But a large portion of the country sees Hillary as a
conniving, self-promoting, exceedingly ambitious lawyer. Half of
America loves Hillary Clinton, the other half despises her.
The
Hillary Trap: Looking for Power in All the Wrong Places argues that
Hillary shouldn't be the icon of the feminist movement, or the idol of
anyone really interested in women's progress. "While, to many, Hillary
represents the archetypal strong woman at the forefront of her career,"
writes Ingraham, "scratch the surface of that success and you'll find
a victim—a woman who symbolizes not personal triumph, but
compromise, concession, and her own Faustian bargain for power."
The title of Ingraham's piece is somewhat misleading. The book is
really an examination of modern feminism. Ingraham is one of few women
in the media to openly question many of the axioms with which "feminists"
have come to be associated: that a woman must be pro-choice, must not
stay home with her children, and must perceive the insurmountable "glass
ceiling" that holds women back in the workplace. Throughout the book,
Ingraham challenges feminist dogma by evaluating its personification
in Hillary Clinton.
The book is divided into seven sections called "traps." The traps
are the misleading decrees from modern feminism about the political
beliefs each woman should espouse and directions as to how to live an "independent
life." Women tend to stumble into these particular traps on their way
towards self reliance and success. Ingraham identifies the sisterhood,
educational, work, anti-gun, sex, family, and new age traps. Within
each chapter, she tries to point out where Hillary Clinton and the
Gloria Steinem crowd have failed women in the United States—by
setting traps in their way.
The first trap is the "Sisterhood Trap." Here, Ingraham rejects the
idea that all women are somehow united in their purpose to get "the
man" off their back. She believes that women across the country should
not be sensitized to the notion that they are victims. "Being truly
liberated means being your own person," writes Ingraham, "not a victim
whining for special privileges or a mindless soldier of anyone's
political agenda, liberal or conservative." While listening to Hillary
& Co. tell the world about which issues are important to women—such
as equal funding for women's sports—other feminist world leaders
tell Hillary that their issues concern more significant areas of life.
As British journalist Anne Applebaum wrote, "Most of the Third World
women were interested in very basic issues: the horrors of female
circumcision, legal systems which prevent women from owning property,
hunger and illiteracy... The Western agenda was somewhat different: it
ranged from lesbian rights to the need for women's studies at
universities to 'Gender Stereotyping and Sexism in Advertising.'"
Hillary's issues just don't seem quite as important, put in
perspective.
Ingraham also renounces the notion that health care, education,
Social Security, and similar programs are "women's issues." These are
issues that affect men just as much as they do women. Instead, she
names ending the marriage penalty (which punishes working women),
lowering taxes on families, and reducing taxes on small businesses as
those issues on which women should focus.
The miseducation of our children's youth is the next trap Ingraham
identifies. Hillary rejects real opportunities to reform education by
allowing families to choose the school to which they send their
children (like Hillary and Bill were able to do) through school choice
and implementing other proven successful programs such as charter
schools. Hillary, in the pocket of the teachers' unions, is more
concerned with reforms like distributing condoms to middle school
students.
Ingraham identifies the National Education Association as the
reason for the decline of public education, in its efforts to raise
teachers' salaries regardless of what is in the best interests of
America's students.
The "Work Trap" and "Anti-Gun Trap" are two areas in which
feminists focus much of their rhetoric. Ingraham exposes the fallacy
that women earn substantially less than men for work in the private
sector. What's more, women are starting most new businesses
nationwide, and as such have a more vested interest in issues that
were once considered "men's issues." She gives examples of the growing
number of female small business owners who resent the burden that
government unduly puts on their businesses.
One example is the case of Jo Ann Bas. "When the owner of Joe's
Stone Crab got a letter from the Equal Opportunity Commission
informing her that she was being investigated on charges of
discrimination against women, she might've wondered if it was April
Fools' Day," writes Ingraham. "Jo Ann was, after all, the recipient of
a number of awards for her leadership on behalf of women in business.
Women made up most of her managerial staff." But traditionally, the
restaurant that her grandfather founded in 1913 featured tuxedo-clad
male waiters. And although women were never formally excluded—nor
did they once complain—the EEOC got bent out of shape. Jo Ann did
not give up, though. She told a reporter, "Why do I go after this? Why
do I keep on going? Because it's right. It's trying to prove a right
will overcome a wrong." As women advance professionally, they are
turning off to a big government that they once embraced—and Hillary
is missing the boat.
She's also missing the boat on gun ownership, says Ingraham, which
can also empower women, preventing actual victim status. Deflating the
many myths perpetuated by most major media, Ingraham cites statistics
that indicate a correlation between gun ownership and low crime rates.
In Florida, for example, once the state repealed its four hundred
local handgun laws, its violent crime rate fell 25-30 percent.
Ingraham sees guns as a means of feeling stronger, less vulnerable to
attack, and less reliant on an ineffective criminal justice system for
protection.
The chapters on the Sex and Family Traps largely make Clinton their
focus. The book criticizes the disheartening upward trend of
extramarital affairs in the United States and the damage that such
infidelity is doing to the institutions of marriage and family.
Ingraham slams hypocrites like Patricia Ireland, Geraldine Ferraro,
and Susan Estrich who dismissed President Clinton's affair—"A man is
a man," said Geraldine Ferraro.
These are the same women, of course, who demanded Bob Packwood's
resignation for the same behavior; Bob Packwood, you see, wasn't
pro-choice. The simple fact is that feminists hold public office
holders to a double standard. A Democrat can go unscathed by reports
of sexual harassment and even rape, while a Republican is pilloried
for disputing the feminist line. This hypocrisy has undermined the
credibility of the feminist movement and hurt American families, as
feminists publicly excuse Bill Clinton's behavior and applaud rising
divorce rates as evidence of female empowerment. But the growing
skepticism toward the feminist movement among American women indicates
that American women are more family oriented than modern feminists
would like to believe.
Finally, in the "New Age Trap," Ingraham condemns feminists'
trading of traditional religious value for "spirituality" and
new-ageism. The anti-religious sentiment has spread across the country
with feminists publicly criticizing the presence of religion in our
country. The ACLU brought suit preventing Ohio from displaying the
words, "With God All Things Are Possible" from its Capitol Square in
Columbus. Never mind the fact that these words are the state's motto.
The same people fight for the right of an artist to spend public tax
dollars smearing feces on an image of the Virgin Mary. Meanwhile, in
the White House, Hillary holds séances with her "spiritual advisor"
and conjures up the spirit of Eleanor Roosevelt—this behavior has
become perfectly acceptable, while belief in God is seen as a crutch
for the weak.
Ingraham urges women, and all Americans, to reconsider prevailing
values and ideologies. Are we happy that we have sacrificed a need for
morality in public office holders? Are we progressing by idolizing a
woman who discovers a path to stardom by standing by her husband
through his serial infidelity? But, most importantly, it is time for "feminists"
to truly become independent by passing up government institutions in
favor of self-reliance as a means to equality and liberation.
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